Until 2005, the 1931 Penal Code of Zambia only criminalised male homosexuality. There was no variance in the age of consent between lesbians and heterosexuals.

Until 2005, the 1931 Penal Code of Zambia only criminalised homosexuality between males.

Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar era until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.