Following independence from the Ottoman Empire, Greece enacted its first comprehensive Penal Code in 1834, which introduced criminal penalties for publications or speech that offended "public decency" (δημοσία αἰδώς) or "traditional morals" (χρηστὰ ἤθη). Offenders faced both jail time and fines. The law left the definition of "indecent" open to interpretation by police authorities, even though in 19th and early 20th century Greece it was inextricably linked with blasphemy and insults to the Christian faith. Material that breached traditional sexual taboos was almost always treated as a moral attack on religious values. The Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece held immense political clout, routinely pressuring municipal governments and police chiefs to confiscate literature or stop theatrical performances deemed morally corrupting or offensive to religious sensibilities. Before the establishment of modern administrative media boards in the Interwar era, censorship of LGBTQ+ material was handled directly by police departments. Literature discussing gender and sexual minorities, even in a medical context, was frequently targeted for suppression to prevent the "corruption of youth." While the Greek Constitutions of 1864 and 1911 technically protected the freedom of the press, they built in explicit loopholes for moral censorship. Both constitutions explicitly permitted the post-publication seizure of newspapers, books, and prints if they were found to insult the Christian religion or commit "an offense against public decency." If convicted, violators were regularly jailed, while the seized books and printing equipment used was physically destroyed. prints if they were found to insult the Christian religion or commit "an offense against public decency." If convicted, violators were regularly jailed, while the seized books and printing equipment used was physically destroyed.

Following independence from the Ottoman Empire, Greece enacted its first comprehensive Penal Code in 1834, which introduced criminal penalties for publications or speech that offended "public decency" (δημοσία αἰδώς) or "traditional morals" (χρηστὰ ἤθη). Offenders faced both jail time and fines. The law left the definition of "indecent" open to interpretation by police authorities, even though in 19th and early 20th century Greece, it was inextricably linked with blasphemy and insults to the Christian faith. Material that breached traditional sexual taboos was almost always treated as a moral attack on religious values. The Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece held immense political clout, routinely pressuring municipal governments and police chiefs to confiscate literature or stop theatrical performances deemed morally corrupting or offensive to religious sensibilities. Before the establishment of modern administrative media boards in the Interwar era, censorship of LGBTQ+ material was handled directly by police departments. Literature discussing gender and sexual minorities, even in a medical context, was frequently targeted for suppression to prevent the "corruption of youth." While the Greek Constitutions of 1864 and 1911 technically protected the freedom of the press, they built in explicit loopholes for moral censorship. Both constitutions explicitly permitted the post-publication seizure of newspapers, books, and prints if they were found to insult the Christian religion or commit "an offense against public decency." If convicted, violators were regularly jailed, while the seized books and printing equipment used was physically destroyed. it was inextricably linked with blasphemy and insults to the Christian faith. Material that breached traditional sexual taboos was almost always treated as a moral attack on religious values. The Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Holy Synod of the Church of Greece held immense political clout, routinely pressuring municipal governments and police chiefs to confiscate literature or stop theatrical performances deemed morally corrupting or offensive to religious sensibilities. Before the establishment of modern administrative media boards in the Interwar era, censorship of LGBTQ+ material was handled directly by police departments. Literature discussing gender and sexual minorities, even in a medical context, was frequently targeted for suppression to prevent the "corruption of youth." While the Greek Constitutions of 1864 and 1911 technically protected the freedom of the press, they built in explicit loopholes for moral censorship. Both constitutions explicitly permitted the post-publication seizure of newspapers, books, and prints if they were found to insult the Christian religion or commit "an offense against public decency." If convicted, violators were regularly jailed, while the seized books and printing equipment used was physically destroyed.