Entry #10115: Censorship of LGBT issues in Greece

Current Version

RegionGreece
IssueCensorship of LGBT issues
StatusState-enforced
Start DateJun 30, 1931
End DateSep 8, 2015
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar era until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Sourceshttps://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607

https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/

https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/

https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html

https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia

https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno

https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml

https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas

https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972

https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/

https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest

https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf

https://www.kodiko.gr/nomothesia/document/656697/a.n-1092-1938


Revision History (25)

edited by Antotourou. Fixing date of censorship

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End DateSep 7, 2015Sep 8, 2015

edited by Antotourou. Fixing some words

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DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar era until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. era until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Removing unnecessary info

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DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Grammar fixing of description

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DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. books and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and often imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Added more info

Helpful?
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Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in July 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. July 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms since the 1980s, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Final wording fix

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Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned any violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned any violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Added info historical

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Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values and imprisoned any violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. values and imprisoned any violators. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Fixing historical info

Helpful?
0
Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the regime of the Military Junta collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the regime of the Military Junta collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. Regime of the Colonels collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Better phrasing and more concise

Helpful?
0
Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state, while during the Military Junta of 1967–1974, state radio, television and print also operated under total censorship.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the regime of the Military Junta collapsed in 1974.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state, while during the Military Junta of 1967–1974, state radio, television and print also operated under total censorship. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. fines. Beginning with the authoritarian 4th of August Regime in 1936, state censorship in Greece reached unprecedented levels. All newspapers, books, and radio broadcasts required prior approval from state censors, who systematically eliminated any content deemed harmful to traditional family values. This practice continued through the postwar period until the regime of the Military Junta collapsed in 1974. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Creating a more concise paragraph

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DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς νόμος 1092/1938 «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state, while during the Military Junta of 1967–1974, state radio, television and print also operated under total censorship.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς νόμος 1092/1938 «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. Νόμος «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state, while during the Military Junta of 1967–1974, state radio, television and print also operated under total censorship. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Correcting/adding information

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DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code («Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις»/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς νόμος 1092/1938 «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code («Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις»/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. Compulsory Law 1092/1938 "On the Press" (Ἀναγκαστικὸς νόμος 1092/1938 «Περί Τύπου»), which was instituted on February 22nd, 1938, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 of the Penal Code introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Sourceshttps://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607

https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/

https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/

https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html

https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia

https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno

https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml

https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas

https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972

https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/

https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest

https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf
https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607

https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/

https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/

https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html

https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia

https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno

https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml

https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas

https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972

https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/

https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest

https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf

https://www.kodiko.gr/nomothesia/document/656697/a.n-1092-1938
Show Difference
https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607 https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/ https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/ https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972 https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/ https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607 https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/ https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/ https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972 https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/ https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf https://www.kodiko.gr/nomothesia/document/656697/a.n-1092-1938

edited by Antotourou. Fixing Greek syntax

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Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code («Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις»/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s. («Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων»/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code («Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις»/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Last date correction

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End DateSep 1, 2015Sep 7, 2015

edited by Antotourou. Added date info

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End Date2016Sep 1, 2015
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s. ("Περὶ τύπου, προσβολῶν τῆς τιμῆς ἐν γένει καὶ ἄλλων σχετικῶν διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου μὲ ἀκόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted well into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Fixed grammar and wording

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DescriptionThroughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s. 20th and early 21st century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying any discussion about sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors, who were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial cinema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by the state. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (Εθνικό Συμβούλιο Ραδιοτηλεόρασης), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Simpler info better wording

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Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s. (ΕΣΡ), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Fixing a grammar issue

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Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Wording correction

Helpful?
0
Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s. relief, hence why effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Date correction and wording change

Helpful?
0
Old Value New Value
DescriptionThroughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s. 30th, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Wording and grammar corrections

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DescriptionThroughout 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of LGBTQ+ identities as an inherent violation of public morality and common decency. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was instituted on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately.

In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated, non-threatening caricatures.

During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television, and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and school curricula routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires strictly as non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served long prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Throughout much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality.

Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
Throughout 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of LGBTQ+ identities as an inherent violation of public morality and common decency. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was instituted on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated, non-threatening caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television, and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and school curricula routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires strictly as non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served long prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s. much of 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of sexual and gender minorities as an inherent violation of public morality. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was introduced on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was similarly rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires as strictly non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks, the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.

edited by Antotourou. Added far more info

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Start Date(unknown)Jun 30, 1931
DescriptionThe Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television. The last known incident was around 2015.Throughout 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of LGBTQ+ identities as an inherent violation of public morality and common decency. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was instituted on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines.

Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately.

In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated, non-threatening caricatures.

During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television, and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and school curricula routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires strictly as non-sexual friendships.

Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served long prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Show Difference
The Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television. The last known incident was around 2015. Throughout 20th-century Greece, the censorship of LGBTQ+ topics functioned through a combination of state legislation and media controls. Rather than maintaining an explicit statute that banned specific depictions, the Greek state suppressed expression by classifying the discussion of LGBTQ+ identities as an inherent violation of public morality and common decency. Law 5060/1931 ("Περί τύπου, προσβολών της τιμής εν γένει και άλλων σχετικών διατάξεων"/"On the Press, offenses against honor in general and other related provisions"), which was instituted on June 31st, 1931, and Article 353 of the Penal Code ("Πρόκληση σκανδάλου με ακόλαστες πράξεις"/"Provoking a scandal with indecent acts"), which was instituted on January 1st, 1951, empowered prosecutors to confiscate publications directly from newsstands without prior trials. Moreover, while male same-sex acts were decriminalized in 1951, Article 347 introduced an unequal age of consent and criminalized the "seduction" of younger males, framing homosexuality as a predatory influence to be suppressed. Authorities targeted publishers and distributors, creating widespread self-censorship as businesses feared potential police raids and fines. Under the 4th of August Regime (1936–1941) led by dictator Ioannis Metaxas, state censorship reached unprecedented levels. Every newspaper, book and radio broadcast required prior approval from state censors before release. Censors were instructed to eliminate any material deemed harmful to traditional family values. Any literary depiction of homosexuality or cross-dressing was struck out immediately. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the "Golden Age" of Greek commercial ciniema, any script depicting same-sex romance was rejected outright by state censors. The only way non-normative behavior could pass censorship boards was if it was reduced to comedic relief; effeminate male characters were often written as exaggerated, non-threatening caricatures. During the Military Junta (1967–1974), state radio, television, and print operated under total censorship. Academic institutions and school curricula routinely sanitized ancient Greek history by mistranslating and framing classical same-sex desires strictly as non-sexual friendships. Even after the Military Junta, publications like "Amphi/Αμφί" (the journal of the first Greek LGBTQ+ organization, AKOE) and "Kraximo/Κράξιμο" (a fanzine founded by trans activist Paola Revenioti) faced repeated confiscations and indictments under public morality laws up until the early 1990s. While editors rarely served long prison terms, the state used continuous legal fees and inventory seizures to financially drain both publications out of existence. When it came to television, across public broadcaster ERT and early private networks the National Council for Radio and Television (ΕΣΡ/NCRTV), which was established in 1989, actively penalised stations for broadcasting LGBTQ+ content, a practice that persisted into the mid-2010s.
Sourceshttps://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607
https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/
https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html
https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152442051724242&set=pb.373714974241.-2207520000.1402906897.&type=3&theater
https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno
https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607

https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/

https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/

https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html

https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia

https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno

https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml

https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas

https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972

https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/

https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest

https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf
Show Difference
https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607 https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/ https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152442051724242&set=pb.373714974241.-2207520000.1402906897.&type=3&theater https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607 https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/ https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/ https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno https://brill.com/view/journals/fasc/11/2/article-p291_7.xml https://www.scribd.com/document/903594996/Masculinity-and-Gender-in-Greek-Cinema-1949-1967-Hadjikyriacou-Achilleas https://revistas.uepg.br/index.php/rlagg/article/download/6218/pdf_138/19972 https://nimac.org.cy/correction-paola-revenioti/ https://mubi.com/en/gr/films/akoe-amfi-the-story-of-a-revolution-just-to-sleep-on-their-chest https://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/376-fra-hdgso-part2-nr_el.pdf

edited by jadeywadey. responding to a report

Helpful?
1
Old Value New Value
End Date(none)2016
DescriptionThe Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television.The Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television. The last known incident was around 2015.
Show Difference
The Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television. The last known incident was around 2015.

edited by jadeywadey. very wrong entry by me oops

Helpful?
1
Old Value New Value
ValueNo censorshipState-enforced
DescriptionIn Greece, there have been issues with the freedom of the press in regard to issues like the migrant crisis but no known incidents have occurred or laws have been enacted against LGBT topics.The Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television.
Show Difference
In Greece, there have been issues with the freedom of the press in regard to issues like the migrant crisis but no known incidents have occurred or laws have been enacted against LGBT topics. The Greek government through the NCRTV (National Council Radio and Television) has repeatedly censored LGBT issues largely on television.
Sourceshttps://rsf.org/en/country/greecehttps://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607
https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/
https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html
https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152442051724242&set=pb.373714974241.-2207520000.1402906897.&type=3&theater
https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno
Show Difference
https://rsf.org/en/country/greece https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-19975607 https://greekreporter.com/2012/10/16/greek-tvs-censor-of-gay-kiss-causes-furor-2/ https://web.archive.org/web/20130610071320/https://international.radiobubble.gr/2013/05/lgbt-rights-in-greece-one-new-case-of.html https://www.lifo.gr/lifoland/mikropragmata/brikame-telika-giati-logokrinontai-agarmpa-oi-ypotitloi-sta-ellinika-kanalia https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10152442051724242&set=pb.373714974241.-2207520000.1402906897.&type=3&theater https://www.lifo.gr/now/media/20000-eyro-prostimo-sto-skai-gia-dyo-ekpompes-me-thema-omofylofiliko-sex-se-tainies-porno
Reports (1)
  • Status is not correct "Most of these sources date back to before same-sex marriage was legalized, with the most recent case of the NCRTV censoring LGBT content dating back to 2015, according to Wikipedia. http://www.lifo.gr/now/media/74943"

edited by jadeywadey. improved sources and desc

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Old Value (Original) New Value
DescriptionIn Greece, there are no laws restricting to discussion or promotion of LGBTQ+ topics.In Greece, there have been issues with the freedom of the press in regard to issues like the migrant crisis but no known incidents have occurred or laws have been enacted against LGBT topics.
Show Difference
In Greece, there are no laws restricting to discussion or promotion of LGBTQ+ topics. have been issues with the freedom of the press in regard to issues like the migrant crisis but no known incidents have occurred or laws have been enacted against LGBT topics.
Sourceshttps://rsf.org/en/country/greece

created by equaldex

Helpful?
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Original entry
StatusNo censorship
Start Date(unknown)
End Date(none)
DescriptionIn Greece, there are no laws restricting to discussion or promotion of LGBTQ+ topics.
Sources(empty)
Reports (1)
  • Newer law has been passed